Was Jomo Kenyatta Really a Maumau Leader?

After independence, Kenyatta did little to clean up that narrative. He is remembered for an interview with Field Marshall Mwariama, which to the keen eye, seems like the most obvious photo op ever. Kenyatta betrayed the Maumau he allegedly led. Today, we are called upon to revisit the History books and interrogate the extent of Kenyatta’s involvement.

Kenya African Union division

After two long stints abroad, Kenyatta returned in 1946 and was elected as the president of the Kenya African Union the following year. He assumed a practical approach to decolonisation, becoming the principal of Githunguri School, which we spoke about at length in Githunguri Kia Wairera. When he was not in school teaching, he was addressing rallies all over the country and regularly speaking to KAU members at Kaloleni Hall.

Something sinister was cooking in KAU however. The Olenguruone Crisis, had brought to the fore the power of oathing in uniting Kikuyus against the colonial government. Although it was Kenyatta and Mbiu Koinange who visited Olenguruone to make this assessment, it is the younger members of KAU who saw its potential in raising military might to wage an armed war against the settlers. While there is no historical evidence that Kenyatta was against it, he was not involved in the administration of the Mau Mau oath at any point.

There was the old guard with the likes of Jomo Kenyatta, Mbiyu Koinange and Jesse Kang’ethe facing off against the younger trade unionists, including Bildad Kaggia, Paul Ngei, Kungu Karumba and Rufus Kinuthia. The latter were more than ready to use violent means, while the former were reluctant. Here’s the thing: despite Kenyatta not being part of the oathing, his name was invoked by the younger KAU guard in the ceremonies. According to Kenyatta by Jeremy Murray Brown, they purported that they were doing this at his behest. Now, Kenyatta held unrivaled power over the Kikuyu, so this namedrop immediately legitimized the oathing process and inspired commitment from those being oathed.

Matters slid closer and closer to the edge until 10th June 1951, when KAU held an internal election. Fred Kubai was elected chairman, replacing Kenyatta. All the other top seats were also filled with younger trade unionists. Bildad Kaggia became the Secretary General, replacing Mbiu Koinange and Paul Ngei, described by Murray-Brown as a former KAR soldier or a Kamba with a sharp tongue, replacing Tom Otiende as treasurer.


With this coup, KAU now resorted to armed struggle and doubled down on oathing both within Nairobi and in the reserves. This resulted in a series of bloody executions between late 1951 and 1952 that the British simply could not ignore. The younger guard had formed the Freedom Council or Kiama Kia Wiathi (KKW), which convened in Kiburi House after hours. Here, they not only planned the executions of whites and loyal Africans but also the executions of anyone who was betraying their secrets.

The colonial government only had Kenyatta in their crosshairs. For all they knew, it was he who was pulling the strings and coordinating the attacks. As a result, from April 1952, Kenyatta was pressured into attending rallies with the sole aim of speaking out against the Mau Mau. Kenyatta’s rally addresses went from fiery calls of ‘the tree of liberty must be watered by blood’ and ‘I will hold the donkey by the mouth, will you be able to withstand its kicks?’ to calling a stop to violence.

Even if he was sincere in this, Kenyatta was not fooling anyone. Not the colonial government, which had spies at each of these rallies ready to provide a transcript of the speeches. Not the colonial chiefs who recognised that Kenyatta controlled the people and was cheered while they were jeered the moment they tried to speak. And certainly not the Kikuyu who believed he was just putting up a front for the colonial government.

Playing Both Sides

The Freedom Council continued using Kenyatta for legitimacy even as political tensions heated up. As white settlers pleaded for the declaration of a state of emergency in July 1952, the Freedom Council read the writing on the wall and responded. This is when they set up base camps in the forest. Using weapons that had been stockpiled from as early as 1950, they dispatched the fighters to various points in the Nyandarua and Mount Kenya Forests.